The Impact of Paranormal Phenomena on Individuals and Groups (Jinn)

Introduction:

Phenomena attributed to jinns in Arab and Islamic societies represent an epistemological challenge that combines deeply held beliefs with scientific analysis.
This paper from the Family Office of Syrian Future Movement provides a comprehensive analysis of collective perceptual states (e.g., voices, strange movements, visions) through an interdisciplinary lens.

Conceptual framework: Jinn in the religious context:

The religions believe that God has deposited in His universe clear signs, one of the greatest of which is the creation of the jinn, which was specialized by the Abrahamic laws with details commensurate with the wisdom of each religion.
In the Holy Quran, the meditator finds a statement of the reality of these creatures and their relationship with man, especially in the holy land of the Levant where places are intertwined with revelation: The Holy Qur’an: “He created the jinn out of fire” (Al-Rahman:15), and the Qur’an also revealed in unprecedented detail:
1. The acknowledgment of the faith of a group of them: “Among us are those who are Muslims and those who are unjust” (al-Jinn:14).
2- Their harnessing of Sulayman (peace be upon him): “And of the jinn are those who work before him by the permission of his Lord” (Saba’:12).
3- A warning against their enmity: “Satan is your enemy, so take him as an enemy” (Fater:6).
As for the Holy Bible, the New Testament does not mention the word “jinn”, but rather “unclean spirits” (πνεύματα ἀκάθαρτα) who addressed Jesus by saying: “What have we to do with you, Jesus, Son of God? Have you come here before the time to torment us?” (Matthew 8:29), and Jesus demonstrated authority over them: “In my name you shall cast out demons” (Mark 16:17), but he limited their evil to one entity, the devil: “The devil sinned from the beginning” (1 John 3:8).
As for the Torah and the Old Testament, there are clear references in the books of Moses warning against consulting demons: “Do not turn to the demons” (Leviticus 19:31), and mention of their worship, “Sacrifice to demons that are not gods” (Deuteronomy 32:17), but the Old Testament is ambiguous about their nature: “satyrs” (שעירים) in the book of Isaiah (13:21) are translated demons or wild beings.
In Islam, we see that the jinn are a nation charged with a mission: “I have not created the jinn and humans except to worship me” (Dhariyat:56), and among them are believers and disbelievers: “We are among us the righteous and among us the unrighteous” (Jinn:11).
In Christianity, we find a kind of conflict of light and darkness, as the jinn are the “demons”. “Behold the love with which the Father has loved us … we are the children of God, and the whole world has been put into evil” (1 John 3:1, 5:19), and the cross is a final victory: “By the sacrifice of the cross He stripped away principalities and powers” (Colossians 2:15).
The Talmud mentions chidim (שדים) as semi-divine beings, the Zohar in the Kabbalah describes jinn as disembodied spirits, and there are those in Judaism who argue that their mention in the Torah is a metaphor for the forces of evil.
Therefore, it is natural to find in mosques the teaching of the rules of legal ruqyah and the warning against fortune-telling, which is considered one of the negatives of monotheism.
In the churches of Jerusalem and Damascus, for example, the rite of Exorcism in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre is practiced in the name of the Trinity, as are protective prayers for Syriacs: “Lord of forces, expel the demons of darkness” (from the Mass of St. James).
In synagogues, rituals are rare except in the Hasidic book Shimshatah, but we do find the prayer “Tabahel” for immunity from harm.

Scientific explanations for strange phenomena:
We try to organize scientific explanations for phenomena said to be from jinn into three axes:

1. Neuropsychological mechanisms, such as collective hallucinations, which may arise from a collective suggestion effect where individuals develop similar symptoms under the influence of shared anxiety, such that a group such as a family in one house sees images and hears sounds; perceptual disorder, which is caused by exposure to a shared trauma that disrupts the processing of sensory information; and sleep paralysis with hallucinations (30% of the population has experienced it at least once) and is misinterpreted as “invisible beings”.
2. Environmental and physiological factors, such as carbon monoxide poisoning. A 2010 case study cited in the references documented 120 global incidents that were wrongly attributed to elves and were found to be related to gas leaks. In addition to abnormal electromagnetic fields, which cause irritation to the temporal lobe leading to a sense of “alien presence” and visual and auditory hallucinations.
3. Mass Psychogenic Illness, where cases have been documented of widespread symptoms without an organic cause, their association with societal stress, and the disappearance of symptoms after psychological intervention.
   Therefore, many doctors recommend an integrated treatment based on:
4. Urgent medical intervention, such as thorough examinations: CO levels, thyroid function, vitamin B12, and a neurological evaluation: Brain imaging (MRI) to detect any abnormalities.
5. Psychological intervention, such as cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT): Modifying catastrophic thoughts about phenomena, and group therapy of breaking the cycle of suggestion through educational sessions.
6. Assessing the living environment, such as checking electrical connections, using carbon monoxide detectors, and even adjusting lighting and ventilation can sometimes make a difference.
   Evidence shows that most phenomena attributed to jinn are explained by:

• Physiological factors (gas leaks, electromagnetic fields).
• Psychological mechanisms (mass hallucinations, cognitive disorder).
• Cultural contexts shape the interpretation of experiences.
  Any “paranormal” explanation must be preceded by scientific testing, while respecting beliefs within the framework of rational explanation.

Djinns and goblins in human cultures:

The earliest depictions of jinn date back to the Sumerian civilization (4000 BC), where Lilith appeared as a demonic being that inhabits ruins, an idea that was passed on to the Babylonians and Canaanites. The cultural intermingling in ancient Yemen also played a pivotal role in spreading jinn beliefs through communication with neighboring civilizations, as Indo-Iranian mythology moved to the Arabian Peninsula and was associated with tribes like Jarhum and Thamud, whose origins were attributed to mothers from the jinn.
Some studies have shown that 38% of Britons believe in the existence of ghosts and jinns, despite scientific progress, although these paranormal sightings are attributed to factors such as “pareidolia,” which is the tendency of the brain to interpret vague stimuli as faces or ghosts, in addition to what was previously mentioned.
Also, jinn tales were used as educational tools to warn children about wrong behaviors, or to explain unexplained phenomena such as sudden fires, and literary representation contributed to the embodiment of these beliefs in “One Thousand and One Nights”, and Moroccan heritage, for example in the novel (Aisha Kandisha), where they became part of the cultural identity.

The Syrian case is the intersection of heritage and reality:

Imad Naddaf’s novel “Tales of Al-Muayyad Neighborhood. Imad Naddaf’s “Tales of Jinns and Lovers” examines how beliefs in jinns shaped the transformations of Damascus society in the 1950s, where superstitions of “djinn habitation” led to the emigration of families and the breakup of families, and spread in Syria tales of “haunted houses” in old kasbahs in cities like Aleppo and Damascus, especially in abandoned buildings, whose sounds are interpreted through the theory of “collective suggestion.” The novel “Tales of Haret al-Muayyad” by Imad Naddaf.
During the last war, media outlets loyal to the former regime claimed that “jinn brigades” were fighting with the opposition and described military collapses as the result of “jinn possessing the soldiers,” a discourse that aimed to market defeats as a supernatural destiny. There have also been cases of deaths after torture by sorcerers who claimed to exorcise a “jinn that possessed him,” revealing the danger of exploiting such beliefs.
Although there are no comprehensive studies in Syria due to the war, an analysis of the cases of 150 psychiatric patients in Damascus (2018) showed that 68% attributed their symptoms to jinns before they were diagnosed with disorders such as schizophrenia or epilepsy. According to the “Civil Dialogue” report, the percentage of belief in superstition in poor Syrian areas increases to 90%, compared to 40% in civilized areas, confirming its relationship with poverty.
At Syrian Future Movement, we conducted a survey conducted by the Research and Studies Department at the Family Affairs Office, which included 150 cases, 90% of whom were Muslims, and the results were as follows:

• Do you believe in jinns? 73% said yes, 27% said no.
• Have you seen Jana yourself, or experienced their impact with your own eyes (no pun intended): 82% said yes, 18% said no.
• Do you believe in the influence of jinns on humans in the form of manifestation, disguise, physical harm, or even psychological harm: 60% said yes, 37% said no, and 3% don’t know.
  In Syria, as in other countries, beliefs in jinns and goblins represent an example of the struggle between rationality and cultural heritage. These beliefs become political tools or causes of human tragedies when exploited, so dealing with them requires deconstructing their historical foundations by analyzing the transmission of myths between civilizations.
  and scientific intervention by spreading awareness of psychological and physical explanations.
  Also, protecting society by fighting charlatans and toughening penalties for exploiting beliefs.
  The biggest challenge is to strike a balance between respect for cultural heritage and scientific verification, especially in societies with complex crises such as Syria. The views of Muslim jurists on the world of jinn: We shed light on the Islamic religion as the dominant religion in Syria, from the perspective of the development of Islamic religious thought from the founding to modernity, through the following discussions:
  The first discussion: The ancient jurisprudential foundation of what a jinn is:
• In the foundational sources, we see that the advanced jurists agreed that the jinn are unseen creatures harnessed from fire, based on the Almighty saying: “And the jinn we created beforehand from the fire of poison” [al-Hajar: 27]. Ibn Abd al-Bar (d. 463 AH) distinguished the ranks of the jinn into: “Jinni” (general), “Amir” (residing with humans), “Spirit” (harmful to children), “Satan” (malicious), “Marid” (powerful), and “El-Afrit” (the most powerful evil).
  Ibn Taymiyyah (d. 728 AH) affirms that the jinn are obligated to worship like humans, citing the verse: “And I did not create the jinn and humans except to worship me” [Dhariyat: 56]. Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani (d. 852 AH) quoted the consensus of scholars on the proof of reward and punishment for the jinn, citing the verse: “And for those who fear the presence of their Lord are two gardens” [al-Rahman: 46].
  As for the issue of abilities and relationship with humans, Shafi’i (d. 204 AH) limited the influence of jinn to “whispering” only, rejected the idea of their possession of human bodies, and considered those who claimed to see them inadmissible as witnesses, although Ibn Hazm (d. 456 AH) disagreed with the idea of possession saying: “As for the speech of the devil on the tongue of the afflicted, this is one of the conjectures of the azamins,” i.e. quacks.
  Research II:
  Regarding the issue of seeing jinns and their influence, the Malikiya argued that jinns are among the unseen things that cannot be dealt with. Malik said: “He who claims that he treats madmen with the Quran is forbidden, because jinns are unseen things.” The Hanbalis, like Ibn Taymiyyah, permitted the use of Muslim jinn in permissible matters, with strict controls.
  In ruling dealing with jinns, Ibn Taymiyyah divided dealing with them into three sections:
  1- Forbidden, and the use of them in polytheism or prohibitions.
  2- Permissible, such as using them in bringing permissible money or paying harm. Permissible, as in using them to bring in permissible money or pay harm.
  3- Mandatory, which is in ordering them to do good and forbidding them from evil.
  Late Hanbali scholars such as Ibn Uthaymeen (d. 1421 AH) have forbidden dealing at all, just in case there is polytheism.
  Ibn Hibban (d. 354 AH) denied the ability of jinn to cause diseases, citing the hadith: “Praise be to Allah who turned his evil back to wasusa.” Sufis such as al-Suyuti (d. 911 AH) accepted the idea of jinn epilepsy and developed methods of treatment with ruqyah.

Research III: Modernists and Criticism of the Concept of Jinn (from Muhammad Abduh to the Contemporaries)
We see in the rationalist foundation of Muhammad Abduh (d. 1905 AD) his call to explain the jinn as symbols of psychological evil or natural forces, considering the stories of the Qur’an as “metaphors aimed at moral reform”, and attacked what he called “prevailing superstitions”, and demanded the harmonization of religion with modern reason, influenced by the Mu’tazilite approach.
Nasr Hamed Abu Zeid (d. 2010) considered the jinn to be a “cultural product” of the Arabian Peninsula environment, and explained their presence in texts by “religious myth”, as he relied on anthropological studies such as Good’s work (Good, 2003) to link the jinn to economic pressures in rural societies.
Taha Hussein (d. 1973) claimed that “jinn” is a metaphor for germs or psychological diseases, using the theory of “historicism” to break the link between the text and reality. Some, such as Sheikh Muhammad al-Ghazali, described belief in jinn as “intellectual chaos” and accused jurists of perpetuating “superstition”.

Research IV: Statistics and field studies (focus on Syrian society):
The percentage of believers in jinn in rural Syrian areas reaches 90% compared to 40% in cities, according to the “Civil Dialogue” study (2015), and in a study by Damascus University (2018) on 150 psychiatric patients showed that 68% attributed their symptoms to jinn before they were diagnosed with disorders such as schizophrenia.

During the Syrian war, the media of the former regime also promoted the myth of “Jinn battalions fighting with the opposition,” according to reports by Al-Hiwar Al-Madden.
The Jinn world has been at the center of a struggle between three visions of the future, between faith and reason:

1. The traditional approach, which adheres to the texts and authorizes police interaction with jinns.
2. Critical rationalism, which rejects the occult and explains phenomena with scientific reasons.
3. Modernist syncretism, which maintains belief in jinns as a doctrine, but denies their physical impact on humans, is summarized in the study “Paranormal Phenomena in Syrian Society” (2018): “The greatest challenge is not to deny or superstitiously acknowledge the jinn, but to disentangle religious belief from scientific reality without diluting either.”

Scientific efforts:

There are several scientific efforts and organizations that tried to address the issue of goblins and jinns from a rational and empirical perspective, some of which included awards for providing tangible evidence:

1. Academic and research initiatives, such as scientific investigation teams. Universities such as Damascus University formed multidisciplinary teams (psychiatry, physics, anthropology) to investigate “haunted house” cases, and their studies proved that the phenomena can be explained by causes such as carbon monoxide poisoning or collective psychological disorders, without the need to assume the existence of paranormal beings.
   Also, the British Society for Psychical Research (SPR) conducts field studies on “paranormal” phenomena, with a focus on mass hallucinations and the influence of cultural suggestion. It has published reports refuting claims of “jinn possession” by analyzing cases in Arab societies.
2. James Randi’s Scientific Challenge Awards, in which the American paranormal believer James Randi offered a prize of one million dollars to anyone who could prove the existence of supernatural beings such as leprechauns under strict experimental conditions, and since the challenge began in 1964 by Randi, nearly a thousand individuals have applied and all failed.
   The Cairo University competition (2010), in which the Faculty of Science offered a cash prize to anyone who could provide physical evidence (such as DNA or physical recordings) for the existence of jinns, was discontinued after applicants failed to provide verifiable evidence.
3. Psychiatric efforts, such as community mental health clinics, in countries such as Morocco and Egypt, where specialized clinics have been established to treat those suffering from “possession symptoms” by diagnosing them as psychiatric disorders (such as schizophrenia or hallucinations) and using cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT) programs to dismantle superstitious ideas.
   Also, the World Health Organization (WHO) does not recognize “faerie possession” as a psychiatric diagnosis, but rather interprets the associated symptoms as known psychiatric or neurological disorders, such as:

• Psychogenic Non-Epileptic Seizures.
• Psychotic disorders (such as schizophrenia or hallucinations).
• Dissociative Identity Disorder.
  Some conditions are categorized under “Culture-Bound Syndromes” in ICD-11, such as Zar (in some African and Middle Eastern cultures).

1. Legal and societal initiatives, such as anti-sorcery campaigns. In Egypt, the government has launched campaigns against those who exploit superstition to defraud and trade in antiquities, and campaigns have also included raising awareness of the role of environmental factors in strange phenomena.
2. Anthropological studies, led by the Global Folklore Project, which documented beliefs about jinns in 30 societies, including Syria and Morocco, and concluded that these narratives are used as cultural explanations for disasters or illnesses, rather than evidence of actual beings.
   Despite these efforts, no reputable scientific organization accepts “proving the existence of jinns” as a hypothesis for serious research, due to the lack of reproducible evidence. No physical evidence (such as biological samples or documented recordings) has been submitted to scientific review, and it is difficult to design experiments with control groups for hypotheses such as “jinns disappear on males.” Also, the claims are used in the marketing of “fake cures” (such as rituals and incense), with an estimated $20 million a year in profits from this market in Morocco alone.
   However, scientific efforts are summarized by physicist Richard Feynman:
   “An extraordinary claim requires extraordinary evidence… A myth withers when faced with controlled experimentation.”

in the philosophical question:

The classical metaphysical position between existence and non-existence began with Aristotelianism and the essentialist distinction. Aristotle believed that metaphysics is “the science of being as being,” i.e. the study of being apart from its material manifestations. According to this perspective, jinn can either be categorized as an independent “essence” (ousia) if it exists, or as an “accident” resulting from natural or psychological causes, which is contrary to popular perceptions that reduce metaphysics to the occult only. However, philosophers such as Avicenna redefined metaphysics as a “science of the divine” that studies the first causes, including material paradoxes. Zaki Naguib Mahmoud pointed out in his book “An Attitude towards Metaphysics.” Jinn are interpreted within the ladder of existence (a rank between sensible matter and the divine Supreme), but this does not justify the transformation into entities that affect the physical world.
The modernist critique comes in deconstructing myth through rationalism with Muhammad Abduh and symbolic hermeneutics, where he called for interpreting the jinn as symbolic embodiments of psychological evil or unknown natural forces, considering the stories of the Qur’an as “moral metaphors” rather than proof of the existence of materializable entities, and this corresponds to Kant’s critique of traditional metaphysics, where he saw that reason cannot prove the existence of the supernatural (God, self, world) as cognizable objects.
As for contemporary deconstructionism, Nasr Hamed Abu Zayd argued that the jinn is a “cultural product” of the Arabian Peninsula environment, not an absolute metaphysical entity, which intersects with anthropological studies (such as the World Folklore Project) that link jinn myths to economic pressures in rural communities.
There was an integral philosophical position that sought a rationalist paradigm:

1. There is no real conflict between “belief in the unseen” and “scientific explanation.” As Avicenna explains, true metaphysics studies existence in all its layers, without reducing it to superstition.
   Authentic metaphysics – as formulated by Aristotle and developed by Islamic philosophers – is not an enemy of reason, but rather a framework for asking fundamental questions about existence. Turning it into an arena for superstition or exploitation (as in the Syrian case) is a distortion of its essence. The remedy may lie in:
   1- Redefining metaphysics as a method for studying “neutral existence” (Avicenna) and not as an affirmation of cultural perceptions.
   2- Adopting a three-dimensional model that combines scientific analysis of phenomena (medicine, physics), anthropological critique of beliefs, and philosophical interpretation of the unseen.
   Perhaps only such a model can liberate societies (such as Syria) from the legacy of superstition, without violating the sanctity of faith.

Conclusion:

Jinn beliefs are not transcendent forces, but mirrors that reflect human contradictions, and their ability to unite groups through common rituals, and to dismantle them through stigmatizing machines, makes them a tool whose value is not measured by itself, but by how it is used socially, so the biggest challenge lies in transforming them from a tool of exclusion to a bridge of solidarity, through a three-dimensional model:

1. The legislative dimension, by protecting the “possessed” with laws that criminalize stigmatization.
2. The health dimension, by integrating diviners into therapeutic teams under medical supervision.
3. The cultural dimension by reproducing heritage to promote tolerance instead of fear.
   According to Dr. Fawzi Bukharis, jinn are invisible beings, but their visible impact on society shows how man transforms his fear of the unknown into a unifying force or a tool of division.
   Based on the comprehensive analysis of the Syrian reality, specifically the issue of the belief in jinn and its societal effects, we at the Family Affairs Office of Syrian Future Movement recommend the following:
4. Community-based psychological interventions, by promoting mental health through the establishment of community-based psychological support centers in Syria that focus on treating mass anxiety and post-traumatic hallucinations, training staff to distinguish psychological symptoms (such as schizophrenia or post-traumatic stress disorder) from paranormal phenomena, and applying “group cognitive-behavioral therapy” programs to dismantle catastrophic ideas associated with jinn, while using local success stories such as the experiences of survivors from affected areas.
   In addition to forming mobile teams of doctors and religious scholars to educate local communities, especially in areas with frequent displacement, where superstitions spread due to the security vacuum.
5. Field scientific outreach through urgent environmental testing by distributing free carbon monoxide leak detectors and electromagnetic field measurements in reported areas (such as abandoned houses in Syria), and publicizing the results of investigations to link strange phenomena to scientific causes. Intensive media campaigns should be conducted by producing TV programs and CDs in the local dialect explaining phenomena such as:
   • Pareidolia (interpreting random sounds as human voices).
   • Sleep paralysis with hallucinations (associated with the “Gathom” culture).
   • The effect of moisture and mold on visual hallucinations.
6. Religious and educational reform through a rational religious discourse that contributes to the cooperation of moderate religious scholars to issue “awareness-raising fatwas” that refute the idea of “jinn dominating homes” based on religious texts, and teaching superstition-critical curricula in mosques and churches, inspired by international experiences such as the “Falsifying Myths” project in Malaysia.
   Also, integrating critical science into education, such as developing school curricula that teach critical thinking skills, such as analyzing folktales about elves using the scientific method.
7. Legal and institutional solutions, primarily prosecuting charlatans by enacting strict laws to prosecute those who exploit the phenomenon of “haunted houses” for fraud, establishing hotlines in cooperation with civil society organizations, and the need to document cases scientifically by forming a “unit to investigate unusual phenomena” affiliated with the Ministry of Health, bringing together specialists in:
   • Psychiatry.
   • Environmental physics.
   • Anthropology of religion.
     Its task is to produce documented reports on each case.
8. Empowering local communities and building successful coexistence models, such as adopting the experience of Kharba village in Daraa (which maintained its religious diversity despite the war) as a model for building community committees that involve doctors, teachers and tribal elders in resolving conflicts related to beliefs, as well as supporting the local economy by linking anti-superstition programs with development projects, as data shows that 70% of “jinn” panic cases occur in poor areas, which requires providing job opportunities and livelihood stability.
9. Therefore, we emphasize the need to establish a national observatory to collect periodic statistics on migration due to superstitious beliefs, with a geographical analysis of their concentration, and publish the results in annual reports in cooperation with local universities such as Aleppo University.
   In addition to comparing Syria’s data with countries that went through similar crises (such as Lebanon, Iraq, and Algeria), in order to benefit from their successes or avoid their mistakes in dealing with the phenomenon.
   Finally, we believe that solutions should be based on three pillars:

• Scientific rationalization (turning “paranormal” phenomena into testable issues).
• Social inclusion (empowering residents through education and economic support).
• Legal protection (confronting the exploitation of superstition to harm the social fabric).
  Superstition is the daughter of weakness and ignorance, and its medicine is justice and science.

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