Introduction:
A press conference was held in the Turkish capital, Ankara, on August 6, 2026, bringing together Syrian Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani and his Turkish counterpart, Hakan Fidan. During the conference, they announced an agreement to establish a “High-Level Coordination Council” between the two countries and to transform bilateral relations into a comprehensive “strategic partnership.” This partnership would encompass everything from the economy and trade to security and defense, including infrastructure projects and regional connectivity.
This announcement came at a critical juncture, coinciding with reports of the formation of a trilateral defense alliance between Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan. This move is reshaping the map of alliances in the Middle East and placing Syria at the heart of a new strategic axis stretching from the Gulf to Anatolia. This axis aims to counter both Iranian influence and deter Israeli aggression.
This article attempts to interpret these developments within their geopolitical context and analyze their implications for the future of Syria and the region, based on the vision of the Syrian Future Movement for building a state based on institutions and achieving regional integration.
What was announced in Ankara? An Analysis of the Meeting’s Outcomes:
The statements made by Al-Shaibani and Fidan contained a clear roadmap for Syrian-Turkish relations in the coming phase. The meeting’s outcomes can be summarized in four main tracks:
The High-Level Coordination Council:
An agreement was reached to establish a “High-Level Coordination Council” between the two countries.
This high-level institutional
structure is expected to include ministers and senior officials from both sides. It will be responsible for coordinating policies on economic, security, and political issues. This council will not be merely a consultative framework, but rather a tool for joint decision-making, reflecting the two countries’ intention to move beyond traditional bilateral relations to a comprehensive strategic partnership.
Economic Cooperation:
The two sides announced a series of ambitious economic projects, including:
- Free trade and customs agreements aimed at increasing trade, which reached $3.7 billion last year, to $5 billion and then $10 billion.
- Developing border crossings to facilitate the movement of goods and people.
- The strategic railway project linking Syria with Turkey, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia, positioning Syria as a geographical and economic corridor connecting the region.
- Activating the Four Seas Committee, which aims to make Syria and Turkey a hub for an energy and transportation network extending from the Gulf to the Mediterranean and Black Seas.
Security and Defense Cooperation:
On the security file, the meeting was more decisive, with both sides emphasizing:
- Combating terrorism and ensuring that weapons are solely in the hands of the state.
- Ending the presence of any armed forces outside the framework of state institutions, with a clear indication of the need to expedite the integration of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) into the Syrian army.
- Supporting the efforts of Iraq and Lebanon in protecting their borders, reflecting a comprehensive regional security vision.
- Cooperation in defense fields, indicating closer military coordination between the two countries.
The Israeli Confrontation:
The two sides shared identical positions on Israel. Al-Shaibani condemned the “repeated Israeli attacks” on Syrian territory and called for a return to the 1974 Disengagement Agreement and withdrawal to the lines held before December 8, 2014.
For his part, Fidan described the Israeli attacks as “one of the greatest threats to the stability of Syria and the region.” The Ankara-Riyadh-Islamabad Tripartite Alliance:
This development in Syrian-Turkish relations comes within a broader context, represented by the crystallization of a tripartite defense alliance between Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan.
This alliance, formalized by the signing of the “Mecca Agreement for Joint Defense” by Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Pakistan on Friday, establishes a tripartite defense framework aimed at strengthening collective security, consolidating the principle of joint deterrence, and expanding areas of military and strategic cooperation among the three countries.
This agreement is interpreted in strategic analysis circles as a new Sunni axis aimed at:
Countering Iranian Influence:
Iran represents a common geopolitical adversary for the three countries, albeit to varying degrees. Turkey views Iranian influence in Iraq and Syria with suspicion, Saudi Arabia considers Iran a major regional competitor, and Pakistan faces security challenges on its eastern and western borders linked to Iranian support for certain groups. It appears that this tripartite alliance will constitute a strategic counterweight to Iranian influence in the region.
Israeli Deterrence:
Although Turkish-Israeli relations have experienced alternating periods of tension and calm, the alliance with Saudi Arabia and Pakistan, which represent significant Islamic and international powers, gives Ankara an additional bargaining chip against Israel.
This was evident in the simultaneous statements from Ankara and Riyadh calling for a halt to Israeli attacks on Syria.
Reshaping the Map of Regional Alliances:
This alliance reflects a shift in Turkish policy toward the East, after years of tension with Saudi Arabia and the UAE.
It also reflects Riyadh’s desire to build alliances as an alternative to complete dependence on Washington, and Pakistan’s efforts to break its regional isolation. Implications of the Alliance for Syria’s Future:
Syria at the Heart of the New Axis:
Thanks to its geographical location and its relations with Turkey and Saudi Arabia, Syria finds itself at the heart of this emerging strategic axis.
This grants Damascus several advantages, perhaps the most important of which are:
- Regional support for reconstruction, through Turkish and Saudi investments in infrastructure projects.
- Political and security cover to confront internal challenges, including the issue of armed militias.
- A bargaining chip in negotiations with Israel, as Turkish-Saudi support can be used to demand Israel’s withdrawal from Syrian territory.
The militias file takes center stage:
Ankara and Damascus have placed the militias file at the top of their priorities, emphasizing the need to restrict weapons to the state. This puts the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) under double pressure: on one hand, Turkey’s demand to end their presence, and on the other, the Syrian government’s commitment to extending its authority over all territory.
Fidan clearly indicated that “the SDF’s integration into state institutions must end quickly.”
“Without obstacles.”
Integrated Regional Security:
The “Four Seas Committee” vision and the railway project represent a framework for linking the region’s security to its economy. Economic integration between Syria, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Jordan creates shared interests that make it in the interest of these countries to cooperate on security matters to protect these interests.
Confrontation with Israel:
A unified stance against Israel, with Turkish-Saudi support, may encourage Damascus to adopt a more assertive rhetoric towards Israel, relying on regional backing.
However, this also carries risks, as it could transform Syria into an arena for indirect confrontation between Israel and the new axis. Challenges and Obstacles:
Despite the optimism, these new dynamics face significant challenges:
First: The conflict with Iranian interests. Iran, which was the strategic partner of the former regime, views this Syrian shift towards Turkey and Saudi Arabia with suspicion. Tehran may seek to undermine this rapprochement through its various tools, from armed factions to diplomatic pressure.
Second: The SDF issue. The integration of the Syrian Democratic Forces into state institutions presents a major challenge related to the distribution of power. Resources and the rights of the Kurdish component.
Sources indicated that the Kurds are dissatisfied with Damascus’s resistance to enshrining the right to education in the Kurdish language in the constitution and its insistence on preventing Kurdish female fighters from joining the Syrian army.
Third: The American position. Washington remains a key player in Syria, and its role in the SDF file, its stance on the Turkish presence in Syria, and its involvement in de-escalation negotiations with Israel are all factors that could complicate the new alliance.
Fourth: Economic challenges. Infrastructure and regional connectivity projects require massive investments at a time when both Syria and Turkey are suffering from economic challenges.
Conclusion:
The meeting between Al-Shaibani and Fidan in Ankara on August 6, 2026, and the subsequent crystallization of a trilateral defense alliance comprising Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan, cannot be understood in isolation from the major geopolitical shifts taking place in the Middle East.
Syria, which for decades has been an arena for regional conflict, has now become a focal point for reshaping alliances.
The Syrian-Turkish rapprochement, supported by A Saudi-Pakistani alliance is redefining the axis of resistance in the region, creating a new strategic bloc that counterbalances Iranian influence and deters Israeli expansion.
While the road ahead is long and fraught with challenges, these developments open up broad prospects for Syria’s regional integration, reconstruction, and the establishment of a state capable of exercising its sovereignty over all its territory.
In the Syrian Future Movement, we view these developments with cautious optimism, believing that a new Syria can serve as a bridge for regional cooperation, not an arena for conflict.
This requires the Syrian government to capitalize on this regional support to strengthen its institutions, guarantee the rights of all its citizens, and engage with the region as a reliable actor contributing to its stability and prosperity.
