The foundations, surface, and political economy of extremism in Syria

Introduction:

At the heart of the fractured Syrian landscape, multiple meanings intersect: job losses, the collapse of services, smuggling networks, and ideological discourses aspiring to fill the void.

These elements do not accumulate by chance; rather, they interact within a network of relationships that connect the economic base with what is called the superstructure of ideas and institutions.

This paper seeks to offer a philosophical-political analysis linking money and ideology in the Syrian context, presenting the mechanisms for transforming economic resources and gaps into incentives for recruitment or alternative legal frameworks, along with practical examples and recommendations.

Theoretical Framework: From Marx to Contemporary Critique:

The central approach here is based on the concepts of base and surface as developed by Marx: the base encompasses relations of production, ownership, and economic resources, while the surface includes legal institutions, cultural discourse, and the ideology that justifies or conceals the arrangement of economic forces.

However, this relationship is not unidirectional; the superstructure possesses a degree of relative autonomy and can reshape the base by producing new legitimacies or stimulating social and cultural transformations. Contemporary criticism reminds us that reducing the relationship to a purely economic determinism overlooks the historical and cultural dynamics that fundamentally alter the course of social transformation.

Economic Transformations in Syria: A Material Background to Extremism:

The Syrian conflict has caused widespread destruction of the economic structure: enormous losses in output, mass displacement, and the destruction of infrastructure.

A World Bank report estimates the economic and social losses of the conflict and presents figures that reflect the extent of the contraction and devastation inflicted on the Syrian economy, creating fertile ground for a war economy and the informal economy.

In such circumstances, the loss of income and opportunities becomes a daily source of pressure, pushing individuals to seek alternative means of survival, whether through involvement in criminal networks or joining armed groups that offer income and protection.

Mechanisms Linking Money and Ideology:

Several practical mechanisms can be identified that link economic realities to the tendency toward extremism:

1. Material Incentives for Recruitment: When armed groups or criminal networks offer immediate income or material protection, the individual’s decision to join is directly influenced by the opportunity cost. Field studies on members of extremist organizations have shown that economic motivation was a prominent factor in recruitment pathways, alongside other psychological and social factors.
2. The Informal Economy as an Alternative Path: In the absence of an effective state, black markets, smuggling, kidnapping, and extortion flourish, creating a class of actors who need no ideological project other than profit.
   These networks weaken the rule of law and entrench the logic of quick profit at the expense of social stability.
3. Transforming Resources into Local Legitimacy: Control of local resources (crossings, markets, fields) allows local actors to finance local media, alternative service institutions, or protection networks that generate practical legitimacy. This legitimacy may be based on religious or nationalist rhetoric, or even economic promises, thus transforming economic control into symbolic and political influence.
4. The war economy as a sustainable interest: There are local and regional actors who benefit from continued instability; stability could threaten their sources of income, so they may resist peace or recovery efforts.
   This dimension makes the economy part of the dynamic of ongoing conflict, not merely a consequence of it.

Practical examples from the Syrian reality:

1- Recruitment by extremist organizations in areas that witnessed the collapse of services and high unemployment: Extremist organizations exploited the economic vacuum by offering salaries, administrative or military positions, and material incentives to young people. Interviews with former members of organizations like ISIS indicate that economic promises were part of a mix of motivations for joining, alongside ideological and social factors.

2- Kidnapping and smuggling networks: In areas where the state has disintegrated as a truly effective institution, kidnapping, extortion, and the smuggling of fuel and goods have become a primary source of income for local actors.

This phenomenon does not require an ideological project; the motivation is purely material, but it produces functional superstructures (protection, relationships with armed actors) that perpetuate a climate of instability.

3- Armed formations with a nationalist/regional character: Some formations relied on external funding or control over local resources to build local institutions (administration, services, media) that justify their political project. Here, money becomes a tool for building local legitimacy, and nationalist or local rhetoric is used to mobilize support and link economic interests to political identity, illustrating how the base can reshape the surface.

A Critical Reading: The Limits of Economic Reductionism:

It is important to emphasize that saying “money decides everything” is a flawed reduction.

The relationship between the base and the surface is dialectical and complex; cultural, religious, and political structures have the capacity to influence each other and, in some cases, can generate powerful ideas that transform or reshape the rules of the economy.

Cultural criticism reminds us that the superstructure is not merely a passive reflection of the base, but can be an active force in reproducing or resisting reality. Furthermore, comparative studies of the motivations for joining armed movements show that economic factors intertwine with factors of identity, revenge, social pressure, and personal experiences, necessitating a multidimensional approach to analysis and intervention.

Political and Strategic Recommendations:

We in the Syrian Future Movement believe that to counter the susceptibility to religious, nationalist, or self-serving extremism in Syria, a purely security-based approach is insufficient. What is needed is a combination of economic, social, and cultural policies, foremost among them:

• Targeted Employment Programs: Short- and medium-term local employment projects focusing on youth and women in high-risk areas to reduce the market for economic recruitment.
• Restoration of Basic Services: Rehabilitation of infrastructure and public services to rebuild citizens’ trust in institutions and reduce reliance on informal alternatives.
• Gradual Dismantling of the Informal Economy: Gradual financial and judicial policies targeting kidnapping and smuggling networks, while providing economic alternatives for those working within them.
• Building an Alternative Civil Discourse: Supporting community and media initiatives that link economic justice with citizenship rights and dismantle the legitimacy remnants exploited by extremist movements.
• Reintegration Programs: Vocational and psychological rehabilitation for survivors and former members of armed groups to reduce recidivism and crime.

Conclusion:

The economy in Syria is a central factor that determines the opportunities and incentives available to individuals and groups. Money can be a driver of extremism when coupled with a political and identity vacuum, but it can also be a gateway to peace when used to rebuild institutions and provide equitable opportunities.

A balanced Marxist-critical reading allows for an understanding of this dynamic without falling into simplistic materialism, and it promotes integrated policies that address the root causes of the problem, not just its symptoms.

References:

1. Anne Speckhard & Molly D. Ellenberg, ISIS in Their Own Words: Recruitment History, Motivations for Joining, Travel, Experiences in ISIS, and Disillusionment over Time (Analysis of Interviews with Returnees and Defectors), research paper available through research databases.
2. Kerem Övet, James Hewitt, Tahir Abbas, Understanding PKK, Kurdish Hezbollah and ISIS Recruitment in Southeastern Turkey, a comparative study of recruitment mechanisms in border regions.
3. World Bank, The Toll of War: The Economic and Social Consequences of the Conflict in Syria (2017), a report providing estimates of the economic and social losses resulting from the Syrian conflict.
4. “Base and superstructure,” Wikipedia (a reference article explaining the concepts of base and superstructure in Marxism).
5. Raymond Williams, Base and Superstructure in Marxist Cultural Theory (a critique and analysis of the relationship between infrastructure and superstructure), a classic paper discussing the limits of economic reductionism.