{"id":66162,"date":"2026-07-23T08:51:46","date_gmt":"2026-07-23T05:51:46","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/?p=66162"},"modified":"2026-07-23T08:59:13","modified_gmt":"2026-07-23T05:59:13","slug":"rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/2026\/07\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\/","title":{"rendered":"Rights and freedoms in the Syrian Constitutional Declaration of 2025"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<h2 id=\"h-executive-summary\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Executive Summary:<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The Constitutional Declaration issued on March 13, 2025, comprising 53 articles, marked a pivotal moment in Syria\u2019s political transition following the fall of the Assad regime on December 8, 2024. The Declaration dedicated its entire second chapter to rights and freedoms, and Article 12 enshrined the principle that \u201call rights and freedoms stipulated in international human rights treaties, conventions, and agreements ratified by the Syrian Arab Republic are an integral part of this Constitutional Declaration.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">However, this theoretical enshrinement of rights clashes with structural problems in the Declaration\u2019s drafting itself, most notably the concentration of power in the hands of the president, the weak independence of the judiciary, and the non-participatory nature of the drafting process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">This paper is based on a critical reading of the Constitutional Declaration, drawing on reports from Human Rights Watch, the Syrian Network for Human Rights, and the UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry, as well as a comparative analysis of the democratic transition experiences of South Africa and Tunisia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The paper concludes that bridging the gap between constitutional text and reality requires radical legislative and institutional reforms that place judicial independence and the protection of human rights at the heart of the transitional phase.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 id=\"h-first-the-theoretical-framework\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">First, the theoretical framework:<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>The analytical approach in this paper rests on three theoretical pillars:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">First: The theory of &#8220;transitional constitutionalism,&#8221; which posits that constitutional documents in post-conflict phases serve a dual function: to consolidate institutional stability on the one hand, and to entrench the values \u200b\u200bof democracy and human rights on the other.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The legitimacy of these documents rests on their being drafted through a broad participatory process, not on unilateral decisions by a victorious political or military authority.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Second: The theory of the &#8220;text-implementation gap,&#8221; which asserts that enshrining rights in the constitution alone is insufficient to guarantee their protection. Rather, it requires institutional and judicial mechanisms capable of implementing these rights, an independent judiciary, and effective oversight of the executive branch.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Third: The theory of &#8220;transitional justice,&#8221; which places accountability for past violations, truth-seeking, victim reparations, and institutional reform at the heart of any successful democratic transition.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Within this framework, this paper attempts to answer the central question: Does the 2025 Syrian Constitutional Declaration provide a sufficient legal and institutional basis for protecting human rights, or does it reproduce the dominance of the executive branch at the expense of fundamental freedoms?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 id=\"h-second-the-content-of-rights-and-freedoms-in-the-constitutional-declaration\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Second: The content of rights and freedoms in the Constitutional Declaration:<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Positive provisions: The 2025 Syrian Constitutional Declaration enshrines a set of rights and freedoms that, as a whole, represent significant progress compared to the previous Syrian constitution. The most prominent of these provisions is:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>Article 10: &#8220;Citizens are equal before the law in rights and duties, without discrimination based on race, religion, sex, or lineage.&#8221;<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Article 12: \u201cThe State shall protect human rights and fundamental freedoms, and guarantee the rights and freedoms of citizens. All rights and freedoms stipulated in international human rights treaties, covenants, and agreements ratified by the Syrian Arab Republic are an integral part of this Constitutional Declaration.\u201d<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Article 13: The State shall guarantee freedom of opinion and expression.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The Declaration affirms the principle of separation of powers and guarantees freedom of movement, the right to property, the right to litigation, the right to work, and the right to political participation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The Declaration also includes provisions that appear to support transitional justice, by calling for the repeal of exceptional laws from the Assad era, the annulment of unjust rulings by terrorism courts, the restitution of confiscated property, and the establishment of a transitional justice body aimed at preventing impunity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Loopholes and Limitations:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">However, a close reading of the Declaration reveals fundamental gaps that weaken the effectiveness of these provisions and make them vulnerable to obstruction or restriction.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">These can be summarized as follows:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>First<\/strong>: The absence of effective guarantees for the independence of the judiciary.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Article 47 of the declaration stipulates that the president appoints all seven members of the Supreme Constitutional Court, without any oversight from parliament or any other body.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">In the absence of mechanisms to guarantee judicial independence\u2014such as independent oversight of appointments, promotions, disciplinary actions, and dismissals\u2014the judiciary&#8217;s ability to hold the president accountable will be limited.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">This is what prompted Human Rights Watch to warn that the declaration &#8220;concentrates power in the hands of the executive branch and could undermine the independence of the judiciary.&#8221;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Second<\/strong>: Presidential dominance over the legislative branch.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Under Article 24, the president personally appoints one-third of the members of the Transitional People&#8217;s Assembly, while the remaining two-thirds are elected by a committee whose members are also appointed by the president.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">This ensures the assembly&#8217;s subservience to the executive branch and weakens its oversight and legislative roles.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Parliament also lacks the power to impeach the president or approve or dismiss ministers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Third<\/strong>: Broad executive powers without oversight.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The declaration grants the president broad powers, including judicial and legislative appointments, without any checks or balances. The president is also empowered to amend the constitution under Article 50, and to declare war and a state of emergency through a council he appoints, as stipulated in Article 41.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Fourth<\/strong>: Restrictions on Freedom of Expression.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Article 49(3) criminalizes \u201cglorifying the defunct Assad regime or its symbols\u201d and \u201cdenying, praising, justifying, or minimizing its crimes.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">While this article aims to prevent normalization with the crimes of the former regime, its broad wording could be used to restrict freedom of expression.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Fifth<\/strong>: The Problematic Nature of Article 23. Article 23 allows for the restriction of rights under the pretext of \u201cnational security\u201d and \u201cpublic safety,\u201d thus granting the executive branch broad powers to curtail freedoms at will.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 id=\"h-third-the-broader-context\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Third, the broader context:<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The Constitutional Declaration cannot be read in isolation from the reality of human rights violations in Syria, even after the fall of the former regime.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The year 2025 witnessed an unprecedented wave of violence in various parts of the country:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>In March 2025, UN reports documented the killing of approximately 1,400 people, mostly civilians, in the governorates of Latakia, Tartus, and Hama at the hands of government forces and affiliated militias.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>In July 2025, violence in Suwayda resulted in the deaths of more than 1,700 people and the displacement of approximately 200,000, with acts that may amount to war crimes committed by multiple parties.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The Syrian Network for Human Rights documented the killing of 161 people during July 2025 alone, including 16 children and 8 women.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Some 52,000 people in northeast Syria remain arbitrarily and inhumanely detained in detention centers linked to the conflict with the Islamic State.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">These figures underscore that the greatest challenge lies not in the absence of constitutional provisions, but in the lack of political and institutional will to implement them, and in the persistence of the logic of violence and repression that characterized decades of authoritarian rule.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 id=\"h-fourth-lessons-learned\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Fourth, Lessons Learned:<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">A. South Africa:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The South African experience (1994-1996) is a leading model in the transition from apartheid to democracy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">This experience was based on fundamental pillars: a participatory constitution drafted through extensive national dialogue, a Truth and Reconciliation Commission that enshrined the principle of truth-seeking without impunity, and independent judicial institutions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The experience demonstrated that genuine reconciliation cannot be achieved without justice, and that a participatory constitution is the strongest guarantee for the protection of rights.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">B. Tunisia:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Following the 2011 revolution, Tunisia successfully drafted a consensus-based constitution (2014) through a national dialogue that included all political parties and civil society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The Tunisian constitution enshrined the independence of the judiciary and established independent constitutional bodies to protect rights and freedoms.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Despite its challenges, the Tunisian experience demonstrates that the success of democratic transition hinges on the strength of civil society and the independence of institutions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">C. The Syrian Lesson:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Both experiences agree that the legitimacy of a transitional constitution stems not only from its text but also from its participatory drafting process and the institutional mechanisms that guarantee its implementation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">In this context, it is noteworthy that the Syrian Constitutional Declaration of 2025 was prepared by a &#8220;narrow committee appointed by presidential decree without broad national dialogue or genuine participation from all segments of society,&#8221; and that the selection of committee members &#8220;was based solely on legal and technical criteria, without regard for balance, fairness, and diverse representation.&#8221;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">This weakens its legitimacy and makes it vulnerable to challenge.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 id=\"h-fifth-future-scenarios\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Fifth, Future Scenarios:<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Scenario One: Constitutional and Institutional Reform (Most Optimistic)<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Assumptions:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>Amending the Constitutional Declaration, specifically Article 50, to include stronger guarantees for the independence of the judiciary and oversight of the executive branch.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Launching a comprehensive national dialogue with the participation of all segments of Syrian society.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Establishing an independent judicial body to oversee the appointment, promotion, and dismissal of judges.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Activating transitional justice mechanisms, including the prosecution of perpetrators of crimes, compensation for victims, and truth-seeking.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Expected Outcomes:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>Transforming the Constitutional Declaration into a more inclusive and participatory transitional framework.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Restoring trust between citizens, the state, and institutions.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Gradual improvement in human rights indicators and attracting international support.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Scenario Two: Limited Partial Reform (Most Likely)<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Assumptions:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>The Constitutional Declaration remains in its current form, with minor amendments.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>The executive branch continues to dominate the judiciary and the legislature.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Cosmetic measures are implemented in the field of human rights without fundamental change.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Continued security conflicts and human rights violations.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Expected outcomes:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>The gap between the constitutional text and reality will persist.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Terminal erosion of trust in institutions will continue.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Investment and international support will decline.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Third scenario: Stagnation and regression (worst-case scenario)<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Assumptions:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>No constitutional or institutional reforms will be implemented.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Violence and human rights violations will continue at their current levels.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>International support will decline, and human rights organizations will withdraw.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Expected outcomes:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>The constitutional declaration will become a legal cover for a new authoritarian regime.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Confidence in the transitional process will completely collapse.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>The economic and social crisis will deepen.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 id=\"h-sixth-recommendations\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Sixth, Recommendations:<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Based on the above analysis, the Legal Office of the Syrian Future Movement recommends the following:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>First, at the constitutional and legislative level:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Review the Constitutional Declaration, specifically Article 50, to include stronger guarantees for the independence of the judiciary, particularly by establishing an independent body to oversee the appointment, promotion, and dismissal of judges, similar to the experiences of South Africa and Tunisia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Amend Article 47 so that the appointment of members of the Supreme Constitutional Court is not limited to the President, but is conducted through a participatory mechanism that includes Parliament and the Supreme Judicial Council.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Amend Article 24 to ensure that the entire People&#8217;s Assembly is elected, rather than one-third of its members being appointed by the President.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Review Article 23 to establish clear parameters for restricting rights, preventing the executive branch from having sole discretion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Review Article 49(3) to narrow the scope of criminalization and ensure it is not used to stifle freedom of expression.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Second, at the institutional level:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Activate the independence of the judiciary by allocating it an independent budget and ensuring that the executive branch does not interfere in its affairs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Establish an independent national human rights commission with the authority to monitor, investigate, and receive complaints, similar to those in Tunisia and South Africa.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Activate transitional justice mechanisms, including prosecuting perpetrators, uncovering the truth, compensating victims, and reforming security and judicial institutions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Third, at the participatory and societal level:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Launch a comprehensive national dialogue involving all segments of Syrian society\u2014political forces, civil society organizations, unions, women, youth, and representatives of all societal components\u2014to discuss issues of the form of the state, transitional justice, and minority rights.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Form a representative committee to draft the permanent constitution, translating politically agreed-upon points into a legal framework, with the participation of experts and human rights advocates, while ensuring transparency and public review.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Launch community awareness campaigns to promote a culture of human rights and integrate the principles of the Constitutional Declaration into educational curricula.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Fourth, at the international level:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Seek technical support from international organizations (such as the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, UNICEF, and the United Nations Development Programme) to develop institutional capacities in the field of human rights protection.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">International support should be linked to achieving human rights performance indicators, making aid conditional on tangible progress in judicial independence, combating impunity, and protecting fundamental freedoms.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 id=\"h-conclusion\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Conclusion:<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The 2025 Syrian Constitutional Declaration represents an initial step on the path to democratic transition, as it enshrines promising human rights provisions that reflect a break with the legacy of the former regime.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">However, these provisions, in their current form, remain uncertain in their implementation, given the absence of institutional guarantees for judicial independence, the executive branch&#8217;s dominance over the reins of power, and the weak participatory nature of the drafting process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The greatest challenge facing Syria today is not writing progressive constitutional texts, but rather translating these texts into lived reality through radical institutional reforms, genuine political will, and broad societal participation. As the experiences of South Africa and Tunisia demonstrate, a successful democratic transition is not achieved through unilateral decisions, but through comprehensive national dialogue, independent institutions, and transitional justice that leaves no wound unhealed. Syria\u2019s success in navigating this critical juncture hinges on its ability to bridge the gap between constitutional text and reality, and to demonstrate that the Constitutional Declaration is not merely a theoretical document, but a practical commitment to protecting the dignity of every Syrian man and woman. If it fails, the Constitutional Declaration\u2014as Human Rights Watch has warned\u2014will remain nothing more than a \u201clegitimizing cover\u201d that perpetuates the very authoritarian patterns of governance against which Syrians took to the streets.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Ultimately, the choice rests with the Syrian people\u2014government, institutions, and civil society\u2014and with their regional and international partners, who want Syria to be a state of law and institutions, not a new arena for experiments in domination and repression.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>A comprehensive analysis of rights and freedoms in the Syrian Constitutional Declaration of 2025 and its conclusions from experiences of democratic transition.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":35,"featured_media":66158,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[4843,4853],"tags":[4718],"class_list":["post-66162","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-legal-office","category-research-and-studies-department-en","tag-articles"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v27.7 (Yoast SEO v27.7) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-premium-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Rights and freedoms in the Syrian Constitutional Declaration of 2025 - \u062a\u064a\u0627\u0631 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0633\u062a\u0642\u0628\u0644 \u0627\u0644\u0633\u0648\u0631\u064a<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"A comprehensive analysis of rights and freedoms in the Syrian Constitutional Declaration of 2025 and its conclusions from experiences of democratic transition.\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/2026\/07\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Rights and freedoms in the Syrian Constitutional Declaration of 2025\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"A comprehensive analysis of rights and freedoms in the Syrian Constitutional Declaration of 2025 and its conclusions from experiences of democratic transition.\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/2026\/07\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"\u062a\u064a\u0627\u0631 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0633\u062a\u0642\u0628\u0644 \u0627\u0644\u0633\u0648\u0631\u064a\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:publisher\" content=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/sfuturem\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2026-07-23T05:51:46+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2026-07-23T05:59:13+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/07\/WhatsApp-Image-2026-07-23-at-8.13.56-AM.jpeg\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"1536\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"1024\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"\u0625\u062f\u0627\u0631\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0648\u0642\u0639\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:creator\" content=\"@sfuturem1\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:site\" content=\"@sfuturem1\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written by\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"\u0625\u062f\u0627\u0631\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0648\u0642\u0639\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"17 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/en\\\/2026\\\/07\\\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\\\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/en\\\/2026\\\/07\\\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\\\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"\u0625\u062f\u0627\u0631\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0648\u0642\u0639\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/en\\\/home\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/aa48cce58d270d0e6eaabc40e19fa1dc\"},\"headline\":\"Rights and freedoms in the Syrian Constitutional Declaration of 2025\",\"datePublished\":\"2026-07-23T05:51:46+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2026-07-23T05:59:13+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/en\\\/2026\\\/07\\\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\\\/\"},\"wordCount\":2281,\"commentCount\":0,\"publisher\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/en\\\/home\\\/#organization\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/en\\\/2026\\\/07\\\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2026\\\/07\\\/WhatsApp-Image-2026-07-23-at-8.13.56-AM.jpeg\",\"keywords\":[\"Articles\"],\"articleSection\":[\"Legal Office\",\"Research and Studies Department\"],\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"CommentAction\",\"name\":\"Comment\",\"target\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/en\\\/2026\\\/07\\\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\\\/#respond\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/en\\\/2026\\\/07\\\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\\\/\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/en\\\/2026\\\/07\\\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\\\/\",\"name\":\"Rights and freedoms in the Syrian Constitutional Declaration of 2025 - \u062a\u064a\u0627\u0631 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0633\u062a\u0642\u0628\u0644 \u0627\u0644\u0633\u0648\u0631\u064a\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/en\\\/home\\\/#website\"},\"primaryImageOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/en\\\/2026\\\/07\\\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/en\\\/2026\\\/07\\\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2026\\\/07\\\/WhatsApp-Image-2026-07-23-at-8.13.56-AM.jpeg\",\"datePublished\":\"2026-07-23T05:51:46+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2026-07-23T05:59:13+00:00\",\"description\":\"A comprehensive analysis of rights and freedoms in the Syrian Constitutional Declaration of 2025 and its conclusions from experiences of democratic transition.\",\"breadcrumb\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/en\\\/2026\\\/07\\\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\\\/#breadcrumb\"},\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"ReadAction\",\"target\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/en\\\/2026\\\/07\\\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\\\/\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/en\\\/2026\\\/07\\\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\\\/#primaryimage\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2026\\\/07\\\/WhatsApp-Image-2026-07-23-at-8.13.56-AM.jpeg\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2026\\\/07\\\/WhatsApp-Image-2026-07-23-at-8.13.56-AM.jpeg\",\"width\":1536,\"height\":1024},{\"@type\":\"BreadcrumbList\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/en\\\/2026\\\/07\\\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\\\/#breadcrumb\",\"itemListElement\":[{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":1,\"name\":\"\u0627\u0644\u0631\u0626\u064a\u0633\u064a\u0629\",\"item\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/en\\\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":2,\"name\":\"Rights and freedoms in the Syrian Constitutional Declaration of 2025\"}]},{\"@type\":\"WebSite\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/en\\\/home\\\/#website\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/en\\\/home\\\/\",\"name\":\"SFM\",\"description\":\"\u062a\u064a\u0627\u0631 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0633\u062a\u0642\u0628\u0644 \u0627\u0644\u0633\u0648\u0631\u064a\",\"publisher\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/en\\\/home\\\/#organization\"},\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"SearchAction\",\"target\":{\"@type\":\"EntryPoint\",\"urlTemplate\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/en\\\/home\\\/?s={search_term_string}\"},\"query-input\":{\"@type\":\"PropertyValueSpecification\",\"valueRequired\":true,\"valueName\":\"search_term_string\"}}],\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\"},{\"@type\":\"Organization\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/en\\\/home\\\/#organization\",\"name\":\"SFM\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/en\\\/home\\\/\",\"logo\":{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/en\\\/home\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/logo\\\/image\\\/\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2024\\\/11\\\/SFM-Wide-Arabic-Logo.avif\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2024\\\/11\\\/SFM-Wide-Arabic-Logo.avif\",\"width\":852,\"height\":264,\"caption\":\"SFM\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/en\\\/home\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/logo\\\/image\\\/\"},\"sameAs\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/www.facebook.com\\\/sfuturem\",\"https:\\\/\\\/x.com\\\/sfuturem1\"]},{\"@type\":\"Person\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/en\\\/home\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/aa48cce58d270d0e6eaabc40e19fa1dc\",\"name\":\"\u0625\u062f\u0627\u0631\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0648\u0642\u0639\",\"image\":{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/secure.gravatar.com\\\/avatar\\\/ba73259f461457c3fbab2c5c9e9fee9d5522deb7af07bd385ec10e71f8973941?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/secure.gravatar.com\\\/avatar\\\/ba73259f461457c3fbab2c5c9e9fee9d5522deb7af07bd385ec10e71f8973941?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/secure.gravatar.com\\\/avatar\\\/ba73259f461457c3fbab2c5c9e9fee9d5522deb7af07bd385ec10e71f8973941?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"caption\":\"\u0625\u062f\u0627\u0631\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0648\u0642\u0639\"},\"description\":\"Site Admin\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/sfuturem.org\\\/en\\\/author\\\/siteadmin\\\/\"}]}<\/script>\n<!-- \/ Yoast SEO Premium plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"Rights and freedoms in the Syrian Constitutional Declaration of 2025 - \u062a\u064a\u0627\u0631 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0633\u062a\u0642\u0628\u0644 \u0627\u0644\u0633\u0648\u0631\u064a","description":"A comprehensive analysis of rights and freedoms in the Syrian Constitutional Declaration of 2025 and its conclusions from experiences of democratic transition.","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/2026\/07\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\/","og_locale":"en_US","og_type":"article","og_title":"Rights and freedoms in the Syrian Constitutional Declaration of 2025","og_description":"A comprehensive analysis of rights and freedoms in the Syrian Constitutional Declaration of 2025 and its conclusions from experiences of democratic transition.","og_url":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/2026\/07\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\/","og_site_name":"\u062a\u064a\u0627\u0631 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0633\u062a\u0642\u0628\u0644 \u0627\u0644\u0633\u0648\u0631\u064a","article_publisher":"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/sfuturem","article_published_time":"2026-07-23T05:51:46+00:00","article_modified_time":"2026-07-23T05:59:13+00:00","og_image":[{"width":1536,"height":1024,"url":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/07\/WhatsApp-Image-2026-07-23-at-8.13.56-AM.jpeg","type":"image\/jpeg"}],"author":"\u0625\u062f\u0627\u0631\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0648\u0642\u0639","twitter_card":"summary_large_image","twitter_creator":"@sfuturem1","twitter_site":"@sfuturem1","twitter_misc":{"Written by":"\u0625\u062f\u0627\u0631\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0648\u0642\u0639","Est. reading time":"17 minutes"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"Article","@id":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/2026\/07\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\/#article","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/2026\/07\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\/"},"author":{"name":"\u0625\u062f\u0627\u0631\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0648\u0642\u0639","@id":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/home\/#\/schema\/person\/aa48cce58d270d0e6eaabc40e19fa1dc"},"headline":"Rights and freedoms in the Syrian Constitutional Declaration of 2025","datePublished":"2026-07-23T05:51:46+00:00","dateModified":"2026-07-23T05:59:13+00:00","mainEntityOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/2026\/07\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\/"},"wordCount":2281,"commentCount":0,"publisher":{"@id":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/home\/#organization"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/2026\/07\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\/#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/07\/WhatsApp-Image-2026-07-23-at-8.13.56-AM.jpeg","keywords":["Articles"],"articleSection":["Legal Office","Research and Studies Department"],"inLanguage":"en-US","potentialAction":[{"@type":"CommentAction","name":"Comment","target":["https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/2026\/07\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\/#respond"]}]},{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/2026\/07\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\/","url":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/2026\/07\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\/","name":"Rights and freedoms in the Syrian Constitutional Declaration of 2025 - \u062a\u064a\u0627\u0631 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0633\u062a\u0642\u0628\u0644 \u0627\u0644\u0633\u0648\u0631\u064a","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/home\/#website"},"primaryImageOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/2026\/07\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\/#primaryimage"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/2026\/07\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\/#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/07\/WhatsApp-Image-2026-07-23-at-8.13.56-AM.jpeg","datePublished":"2026-07-23T05:51:46+00:00","dateModified":"2026-07-23T05:59:13+00:00","description":"A comprehensive analysis of rights and freedoms in the Syrian Constitutional Declaration of 2025 and its conclusions from experiences of democratic transition.","breadcrumb":{"@id":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/2026\/07\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\/#breadcrumb"},"inLanguage":"en-US","potentialAction":[{"@type":"ReadAction","target":["https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/2026\/07\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\/"]}]},{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/2026\/07\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\/#primaryimage","url":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/07\/WhatsApp-Image-2026-07-23-at-8.13.56-AM.jpeg","contentUrl":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/07\/WhatsApp-Image-2026-07-23-at-8.13.56-AM.jpeg","width":1536,"height":1024},{"@type":"BreadcrumbList","@id":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/2026\/07\/rights-and-freedoms-in-the-syrian-constitutional-declaration-of-2025\/#breadcrumb","itemListElement":[{"@type":"ListItem","position":1,"name":"\u0627\u0644\u0631\u0626\u064a\u0633\u064a\u0629","item":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/"},{"@type":"ListItem","position":2,"name":"Rights and freedoms in the Syrian Constitutional Declaration of 2025"}]},{"@type":"WebSite","@id":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/home\/#website","url":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/home\/","name":"SFM","description":"\u062a\u064a\u0627\u0631 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0633\u062a\u0642\u0628\u0644 \u0627\u0644\u0633\u0648\u0631\u064a","publisher":{"@id":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/home\/#organization"},"potentialAction":[{"@type":"SearchAction","target":{"@type":"EntryPoint","urlTemplate":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/home\/?s={search_term_string}"},"query-input":{"@type":"PropertyValueSpecification","valueRequired":true,"valueName":"search_term_string"}}],"inLanguage":"en-US"},{"@type":"Organization","@id":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/home\/#organization","name":"SFM","url":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/home\/","logo":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/home\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/","url":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/SFM-Wide-Arabic-Logo.avif","contentUrl":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/SFM-Wide-Arabic-Logo.avif","width":852,"height":264,"caption":"SFM"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/home\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/"},"sameAs":["https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/sfuturem","https:\/\/x.com\/sfuturem1"]},{"@type":"Person","@id":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/home\/#\/schema\/person\/aa48cce58d270d0e6eaabc40e19fa1dc","name":"\u0625\u062f\u0627\u0631\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0648\u0642\u0639","image":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/ba73259f461457c3fbab2c5c9e9fee9d5522deb7af07bd385ec10e71f8973941?s=96&d=mm&r=g","url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/ba73259f461457c3fbab2c5c9e9fee9d5522deb7af07bd385ec10e71f8973941?s=96&d=mm&r=g","contentUrl":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/ba73259f461457c3fbab2c5c9e9fee9d5522deb7af07bd385ec10e71f8973941?s=96&d=mm&r=g","caption":"\u0625\u062f\u0627\u0631\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0648\u0642\u0639"},"description":"Site Admin","url":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/author\/siteadmin\/"}]}},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/66162","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/35"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=66162"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/66162\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":66164,"href":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/66162\/revisions\/66164"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/66158"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=66162"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=66162"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=66162"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}