{"id":63429,"date":"2026-04-08T13:19:04","date_gmt":"2026-04-08T10:19:04","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/?p=63429"},"modified":"2026-04-08T13:21:22","modified_gmt":"2026-04-08T10:21:22","slug":"the-syrian-intellectual-elite-is-in-a-state-of-structural-transformation","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sfuturem.org\/en\/2026\/04\/the-syrian-intellectual-elite-is-in-a-state-of-structural-transformation\/","title":{"rendered":"The Syrian intellectual elite is in a state of structural transformation."},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Executive Summary:<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

This study presents a preliminary theoretical approach to the role of the intellectual elite in the process of building the modern Syrian state, based on the premise of the “structural transformation” the country is undergoing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The study transcends the traditional view of the elite as a closed, elitist class, instead considering it a “historical bloc” (in Gramsci’s terms) obligated to bridge the gap between strategic planning and popular reality, and to transform the role of the intellectual from a passive recipient and observer to an active participant in shaping policies and developing the tools of good governance.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The study highlights the structural challenges hindering this transition, starting with the gap in scientific research, moving through the brain drain, and culminating in the crisis of knowledge production. It concludes with a strategic vision (roadmap) based on institutionalizing consultation, attracting digitally expatriate talent, investing in the young, shadowy elite, and formulating a new cultural charter for the concepts of citizenship and entitlement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Introduction:<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The contemporary Syrian state is undergoing a phase of “structural transformation” that requires more than mere material repair; it necessitates a reformulation of the social and intellectual contract.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Here, the “elite” emerges as an existential necessity for managing the transition from crisis to the sustainability of the modern state.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In this context, this study examines the pivotal role that intellectual elites can play in rebuilding Syria, not as passive observers, but as key actors in shaping the future.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

First, the Sociology of the Elite in the Syrian Context \u2013 From the Ruling Elite to the Historical Bloc:<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

According to Vilfredo Pareto, the intellectual elite is no longer merely a dominant class, but can be considered, in the Syrian context, a “historical bloc” (in the words of Antonio Gramsci) tasked with bridging the gap between strategic planning and popular reality.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In his monumental work, Mind and Society<\/em> (1916), Pareto introduced the concept of the circulation of elites, asserting that history is a successive series of the rise of new elites and the fall of old ones.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This approach, while controversial, offers a framework for understanding leadership shifts during times of crisis.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Syrian Future Movement believes that the Syrian situation demonstrates an urgent need for the emergence of new intellectual elites possessing a forward-looking vision and leadership experience that meets the demands of a modern state. It emphasizes that this proposition falls within the realm of political analysis and is not a prejudgment of any particular reality.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, the role of the elite in building a modern state transcends mere “preaching” and extends to “social engineering,” where intellectuals transform from observers of the scene into partners in producing the tools of good governance and developing institutions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This transformation has been pivotal in the experiences of countries that endured civil wars and managed to recover, such as Rwanda after 1994, where the transitional government relied on young, qualified national cadres in collaboration with expatriate expertise, according to reports from the World Bank and international development organizations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Similarly, both Germany after World War II and Singapore after independence benefited from their trained elites, transforming intellectuals into architects of development policies. These experiences indicate that the most influential elites in nation-building are those who possess a viable national project and interact flexibly with digital and knowledge-based transformations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Secondly, cultural transformation and the challenge of modernizing concepts:<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The most difficult task for intellectual elites today lies in “modernizing concepts” without alienating themselves from national identity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The transition from a consumer society to a producer of knowledge requires an objective analysis of intellectual capital.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In this context, many researchers, such as Abdelilah Belqaziz and Mohammed Abed al-Jabri, agree that the problem with Arab elites sometimes lies in their being more conduits of thought than producers of it, with the absence of the “organic intellectual” (in Gramsci’s terminology) who represents the concerns of their environment through their discourse.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This dilemma partially reflects the reality of the intellectual elite in Syria, where their role has often been limited to commenting on events rather than formulating proactive alternatives. Furthermore, data from the Global Knowledge Index (GKI) 2025, published by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum Foundation, indicates that Syria scored 21.4 out of 100 points, placing it among the lowest-ranked Arab countries. This reflects a significant knowledge gap in higher education, scientific research, and digital infrastructure.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The scientific research sector in Syria has faced structural challenges as a result of the crisis, including a decline in research and development spending to between 0.2% and 0.7% of GDP (according to estimates by the Arab League Educational, Cultural and Scientific Organization \u2013 ALECSO). This places a responsibility on the elite to develop “low-cost, high-impact” solutions that combine tradition and modernity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On the other hand, the digital revolution is redefining the concept of cultural authority. Cultural authority is no longer the sole domain of those who possess knowledge, but also of those who control its dissemination. This presents Syrian elites with new challenges in producing effective content and leadership models within the digital sphere, ensuring that the digital divide, which could deepen the knowledge gap between elites and the public, is not widened.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Third, the challenges of transitioning from knowledge recipients to knowledge producers:<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

International organizations, such as the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia (ESCWA), estimate that Syria lost a significant portion of its scientific and academic elite during the years of the crisis (the term “crisis” here is used objectively and impartially).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In its 2025 report, “The State of International Migration in the Arab Region,” ESCWA stated that the Syrian conflict caused the displacement of large numbers of highly educated individuals and specialists, impacting the ability of national institutions to plan and implement effectively.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The role of the “resident” elite today is to devise mechanisms to connect these expatriate talents with state institutions through “digital knowledge networks.” Some case studies conducted by organizations such as the World Bank and UNESCO also indicate that countries that have regained their balance after conflicts (such as Rwanda and Bosnia and Herzegovina)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Syria has benefited significantly from the contributions of its expatriate elite in the areas of technology transfer and public administration modernization, although the percentages vary considerably depending on the context and cannot be generalized.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Therefore, the Syrian Future Movement believes that the transition from “recipients of knowledge” to “producers of knowledge” is a sovereign imperative and requires the establishment of organized national mechanisms to attract expatriate talent.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Here, as we see it, the main challenges facing Syrian intellectual elites emerge:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    \n
  • The brain drain, which has directly impacted the quality of higher education and scientific research, creating a gap in the transfer of expertise between generations.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • The crisis in knowledge production, characterized by the absence of a stimulating research environment, scarcity of funding, and a weak link between research outputs and development needs.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • The gap in digital and technological tools, which hinders elites’ access to the latest resources and methodologies and limits their ability to connect with global elites.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • The transition from a phase of criticism to a phase of constructive engagement, which requires a shift in the culture of elite work, moving from a focus on monitoring violations and describing crises to formulating viable development policies and projects.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n

    <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Fourth, Recommendations (Roadmap):<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

    Institutionalizing “Elite Consulting”:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Establishing specialized advisory councils (economic, educational, health, environmental, and legal) affiliated with state institutions (the Cabinet, the Presidency, the upcoming Parliament, and all governmental bodies). These councils would conduct impartial, scientific “impact studies” before the adoption of major public policies, similar to the National Research Council in Singapore and the Council of Economic Advisers in Germany.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Membership in these councils would be based on competence and experience and would be renewed periodically to ensure the infusion of new talent.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Launching the “Syrian Competencies Platform”:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Creating a national digital database under the supervision of the Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research, in cooperation with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates. This platform would serve as a digital bridge connecting expatriate elites (researchers, academics, and professionals) with domestic development projects through:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

      \n
    • Remote consultations (in the fields of planning, management, engineering, medicine, agriculture, and energy).<\/li>\n\n\n\n
    • Participation in supervising master’s and doctoral theses.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
    • Implementation of training and development programs via videoconference. Attracting them to participate in regular conferences and workshops within Syria.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
    • This measure aims to transform the “brain drain” into a sustainable “knowledge exchange.”<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n

      <\/p>\n\n\n\n

      Investing in the “shadow elite” (youth):<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

      Activating the role of Syrian universities as incubators for business and innovation and applied research centers, with a focus on “localizing technology” to bridge the digital divide, through:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

        \n
      • Establishing microfinance funds (soft loans and competitive grants) for innovative ideas and entrepreneurial projects for young people.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
      • Developing postgraduate programs (Master’s, PhD) to be project-based, serving the needs of the labor market and society.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
      • Linking universities with the private and industrial sectors to fund applied research and provide training opportunities for students.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n

        <\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Developing a “New Cultural Charter”:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Intellectual, academic, and media elites should formulate a shared national discourse (which could be called a “cultural charter” or a “national document for public discourse”) that dismantles the concepts of crisis (hatred, violence, division, and power-sharing) and replaces them with concepts of “digital citizenship” (including the rights and responsibilities of citizens in the digital age), “knowledge-based merit” (making knowledge a criterion for career and social advancement), and “economic citizenship” (linking rights and responsibilities to contributing to development).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        In this way, intellectual elites will foster a culture of accountability and transparency, rejecting violence and division, drawing on the experiences of countries like Rwanda (reconciliation commissions and national charters) and Germany (a culture of acknowledging historical responsibility).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Conclusion:<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

        Building a modern state in Syria is a “deliberate and cognitive act.”<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        The success of the transitional phase depends on the elite’s ability to move from “describing reality” to “creating alternatives,” thus becoming the compass that guides the ship toward the shores of comprehensive national modernity. The modern state, just as it is built by administrative decisions, is also built by producing knowledge and adapting it to serve development and peace.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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