Political officepress release / Statement of Political office

Regarding the speech of the Secretary-General of the Lebanese Hezbollah, Mr. Hassan Nasrallah, on 2013/6/14

Syrian Future Movement …
Firstly, it is important to point out that there is a significant difference in the concept of imamate between Sunnis and Shiites. Sunnis believe that the imam should be chosen by the consensus of the people and through mutual consultation, while Shiites believe that there is no choice in the imam (it is a divine appointment by God, who chooses whom He wills from His servants, and those who fall under his imamate and acknowledge his authority must obey him absolutely to assist him in establishing Islamic rule during the absence of their twelfth imam).

Here, we understand why Hassan Nasrallah reiterated the meaning of “the guardian jurist” in his speech yesterday, subtly indicating to his party members and the Shiite references worldwide that the guardian jurist has given the green light and blessing to every armed Shiite to engage in the battle to transform Syria into the province /35/ – in a religious, not administrative, sense – and to hasten the appearance of the twelfth imam, according to their claims.

From this, we understand that the war waged by Lebanese Hezbollah is primarily a religious ideological battle, which is what he meant yesterday when he said: “We proceed from our understanding and vision,” emphasizing the prohibition of firing guns and ammunition on Lebanese soil in celebration of a martyr, a groom, a successful student, or anything else, and his statement: “We received a fatwa of prohibition in the past few days signed by religious references and also stamped,” while he considers shooting and killing the Syrian rebels—armed gangs—a religious duty.

Syrian Future Movement …
This religious war seems to indicate that Lebanese Hezbollah is assisting the Alawite regime in Syria (their protégé in the region) to gain control and assert their dominance over the land. However,
they are also exploiting the current weakness of the Syrian regime to bind its future with the favor of that assistance, allowing them later to extend their control and sectarian and ideological influence over Syrian territory. The raising of the banner of Hussein, which the Secretary-General of Hezbollah did not deny, is a major evidence of this, as this banner holds meanings for them that ignite sectarian hatred and reopen the grave of that dark political era anew.

In the Syrian Future Movement, we are working with sincere and free Shiite religious scholars to contain this crisis as quickly as possible through two positions:

  1. Attempting to pressure Iran by withdrawing Sunni scholars and the Muftis – members of the World Forum for Proximity of Islamic Schools of Thought in Tehran – until the withdrawal of Lebanese Hezbollah elements from Syria (in principle).
  2. Attempting to form a delegation of Syrian Sunni scholars to meet with the mullahs in Tehran at some point (believing that the party’s movement is directed by the guardian jurist Khamenei) to study the consequences of Hezbollah’s intervention on the overall relationships in the coming stage, and the danger of escalating political stances to the point of crossing into religious stances where each party excommunicates the other (the signs of which have already begun).
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